Below is an essay written by Terri K. Wonder on the Muslim Brotherhood. It is an excellent essay informing the reader with a short history of the MB finishing with an Appendix of Radical Islam terrorist groups with the implication of an association with the MB. I intend to use this as a source and it will be easier to link to at SlantRight 2.0 than the Document link from Google.
JRH 8/10/12
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THE INTERNATIONAL MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD:
“SPECIALLY DESIGNATED TERRORIST ORGANIZATION”
A Position Paper for the Committee on the Present Danger
and
All Other Interested Parties
Submitted by
Terri K. Wonder
The International Journal of Educational Reform, Assistant Editor
The University of South Florida, Doctoral Candidate
Author of Re-Islamization in Higher Education from Above and Below:
The University of South Florida and Its Global Contexts
941.727.9825
941.730.0162
S.V. Synchronicity
P.O. Box 10156
Bradenton, Florida 34282-0156
Acknowledgments
The author extends her gratitude to Dr. Rachel Ehrenfeld and Mr. John Loftus for their encouragement, recommendations, and wise counsel in drafting this position paper, and in their total support for her professional endeavors in defeating the international terrorist insurgency.
THE INTERNATIONAL MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD:
“SPECIALLY DESIGNATED TERRORIST ORGANIZATION”
A Position Paper for the Committee on the Present Danger
and
All Other Interested Parties
Executive Summary
The IMB is a clear and present danger to the United States and its allies. Its “achievements” include the assassination of President Anwar Sadat and being the parent organization of all other Sunni Arab terrorist groups, including Gamaat Islamiyah, Islamic Jihad, HAMAS, and Al-Qaeda. Leaders from the other terrorist groups (e.g., Sheikh Yasin of HAMAS) have served dual roles in the IMB. Strategically, the IMB is dedicated to undermining and overthrowing not only Western governments but also any government that does not submit fully to Islamic law.
This position paper offers an analysis of the IMB’s strategic intentions (Part One). Another section cites the Gamaat Islamiyah as an exemplary splinter group of the Brotherhood, as a means of demonstrating the overlapping leadership and purposes of the Brotherhood and its offshoots in the Sunni Arab terror network (Part Two). Then it returns to the IMB for an historical overview of the movement’s legacies of subversion, espionage, terrorism, and group/leadership alliances with hostile foreign powers and other terrorist organizations (Part Three). In addition, it considers post-Cold War geopolitical changes that have given rise to the “mass movement” identified in The 9/11 Commission Report, contending that the IMB, in particular, is prime medium upon which that mass movement grows (Part Four).
Implications arising from this paper provide compelling justification for the Department of Treasury to classify the IMB, under its official name or its covert names, as a Specially Designated Terrorist Organization.
Part One
Ikhwan: The Mother of Sunni Arab Terror Movements
The IMB’s Strategic Intentions
The IMB (a.k.a. Ikhwan, Muslim Brotherhood, Society of Muslim Brothers) has a legacy of patiently waiting for opportunities to make what its leading theoretician, educator, and martyr Sayyid Qutb called “concealed advances” (al-haraka bi’l-mafhum) followed by “phases of power” (marhalat al-tamakkun). In addition, the IMB maintains a hostile geopolitical strategy to Islamize the “domain of war” (dar al-harb) by exacting a two-pronged agenda of institutional subversion and political violence. Knowing when to retreat or when to advance in the “domain of war” depends upon the IMB’s strategic assessment of a host society’s “weakness” (istid’af).[1]
The IMB defines the “domain of war” to all lands previously conquered during earlier epochs of Muslim conquest (e.g., Spain, parts of France, and many east European locales) and to lands where Muslims live but have not yet been brought under the total control of Islamic law (e.g., all regions of the world today except for Iran and Sudan, ostensibly).
In its educational theory published by The International Institute of Islamic Thought, the IMB refers to its strategic vision as the “Islamization of society and knowledge,” a process based on Pax Islamica, the IMB’s re-codification of Pax Romana. Under Pax Islamica, a minority Muslim group infiltrates through legitimate legal processes a majority’s secular institutions, starting with its universities. Over time, “Islamized” Muslim and non-Muslim graduates of universities enter the workforce, including a nation’s civil service sectors. [2] From there, arguably, those “Islamized” graduates are poised to subvert a host society’s law enforcement branches, intelligence community, military branches, and foreign services.
When the IMB has determined that institutions in a host society have been weakened sufficiently “from below” through its “Islamization” reform program, it leaves its phase of “concealment” (kitman) and enters into direct action, which could be anything from a leadership coup in a mosque, to the takeover of a police station, to a government coup d’etat.[3]
Following the aforementioned preparation stage of “Islamization of society and knowledge,” the IMB, according to its website, http://www.ummah.org.uk/ikhwan/, intends to overthrow its host society and implement Islamic law (shariah):
Al-Ikhwan believe that ruling a government should be the step which follows preparing (most of) the society for accepting Islamic laws. Otherwise ruling a totally corrupt society thru [sic] a militant government-overthrow is a great risk. (Bold type not added)
The movement also states that it seeks that final objective in “over 70 countries all over the world” but “is flexible enough to allow working under the ‘Ikhwan’ name, under other names, or working according to every country’s circumstances.” Permitting IMB groups to form “under other names” or “working according to every country’s circumstances” illustrates the fundamentally covert mind of the organization and its initiates.
The strategic intentions of the IMB are identical to those of Al-Qaeda, HAMAS, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, Gamaat Islamiyyah and other Sunni Arab terrorist organizations (see Appendix A). The IMB is the parent organization to those terrorist groups. However, the United States of America is the only Western nation that has not designated the International Muslim Brotherhood (IMB) as a terrorist organization.
Part Two
Gamaat Islamiyah: The Formation of a Splinter Group
from the Neo-Muslim Brothers
From Qutb’s Prison Cell to the Islamic Masses
Following President Nasser’s repression of the Muslim Brotherhood and the execution of the organization’s theoretician, Sayyid Qutb, an Islamist feminist and Muslim Sister, Zaynab Al-Ghazali, aided the reformulation of the Brotherhood by teaching Qutb’s prison writings in student circles in various universities along the Nile River. Those circles came to be known as the Gamaat Islamiyah, or “Islamic Associations.” They were “a skeleton network of ‘cadres’ . . . that would eventually make the associations the dominant voice in the universities of the Arab world.”[4] In general, the developments described hereinafter are not limited to the Gamaat; other Egyptian-based terrorist movements like the Islamic Jihad also formed during Qutb’s imprisonment or within a few years after his execution.
Here, it is instructive to note that those Egyptian Gamaat “cadres” were also Ikhwan initiates who were repressed by Nasser’s government and later Sadat’s for seditious conspiracy and other actions aimed at destabilizing the Egyptian state. Periodically, they would be encouraged to leave Egypt or be exiled from Egypt. They quickly re-established themselves as students and professors in other postcolonial states requiring intellectual talent.[5] They also re-settled in Saudi Arabia’s universities, where they would become the professors of future World Islamic Front/Al-Qaeda leaders like Sheikh Abdullah Azzam and Osama bin Laden.[6]
As has been the case in Egypt since the 1940’s and as may be generalizable to other countries where these initiates emigrated, the heads of academic branches were more likely than initiates from other professional branches to amass power within their own organization and to arouse suspicion by the state.[7]
Original documents analysis pertaining to the Muslim Students Association and Islamic Society of North America’s development indicates that individuals associated with the Egyptian Brotherhood during the Gamaat’s emergence in the 1960’s also led a
Qutb-inspired hijra to universities within the United States.[8] By that time, the young Ikhwan/Gammat students had adopted Qutb’s re-formulation of the term hijra to mean “going underground.”[9]
The Gamaat’s Strategic Goals and Transnational Developments: From the Brotherhood to Al-Qaeda
Advancing their interpretations of Qutb’s prison writings, Signposts, and other increasingly radicalized doctrines of the Muslim Brotherhood, Gamaat cadres questioned secular instructional methods, which they believed prevented world transformation under the banner of Islam. Under Mrs. Al-Ghazali’s and the neo-Muslim Brotherhood’s direction, the Gamaat students and their professor emirs in Egypt’s universities advanced a goal to “Islamize” Egyptian “society and knowledge” gradually over a period of decades, until the Gamaat and the Brotherhood had determined that Egypt had been fully prepared for a successful military overthrow.[10] Eventually, this socio-educational program would be codified into theory and practice set forth by the IIIT and its founder, Isma’il Al-Faruqi, at Temple University in the United States.
Thus, the Gamaat’s strategic goals were exactly like those of its parent organization: a two-tiered approach of institutional subversion to prepare society for future direct action against the state. The Gamaat is sometimes referred to as “Islamic Group” or “Jamaat Islamiyah.”
Another goal of the Gamaat, when it was still in its earliest developmental stage in the early 1970’s, was to check post-Nasserist Marxist influences on university campuses and in Egyptian society. This was a goal welcomed by the new president Sadat, the “Believing President” who once again allowed Ikwhan followers, including the Gamaat, to operate legally.[11]
The anti-Marxist goals of the Gamaat would hold in later years greater significance in Afghanistan, where the Gamaat adopted a far more strident, ultranationalist persona that would be exported to Europe and the United States.
Given the Gamaat’s perennial interest in countering Marxist influences and in filling post-Marxist socio-political vacuums, one might consider how the Gamaat may have insinuated itself in other regions of the world (e.g., Latin America) and in academic institutions where Marxist thought and policy was once d’ rigueur.
Soon after Sadat welcomed the Muslim Brotherhood back into legal existence, the president would regret the move when the parent organization’s Gamaat sympathizers began initiating destabilizing actions in cities like Asyut and Minya. These were professor-led student rebellions that resulted in the hunting of so-called “Orientalist” professors like Richard Mitchell and in small raids on local police stations.[12]
In Minya, the faculty emir of the Gamaat was Abu Talal Al-Qasimy (aka, Talaat Fouad Qassem), who would become the number three cleric involved in the Bosnian jihad, an outgrowth of the Al-Qaeda movement in Afghanistan. Many of the Egyptian-born Gamaat leaders began as student leaders; then they became faculty emirs; and then, having cross-pollinated into the Al-Qaeda network in the late 1980’s and early 1990’s, then became senior aides to Osama Bin Laden.[13]
In Bosnia, and true to their strategic mind, the Gamaat “Afghan-Arabs” did not distinguish between “infidels” who were in Bosnia to help them (e.g., UN troops) and those that were not (e.g., Serbian Christians). Among their many actions in the former Yugoslavia was a car bomb attack in 1994 on a police facility and personnel. The attack injured 29 people.[14]
That same year, Gamaat gunmen opened fire on a Nile cruise ship, wounding a German tourist; bombed a passenger train in Asyut, injuring six foreign tourists; opened fire at another passenger train in Asyut, injuring a Polish woman, a Thai woman, and two Egyptian women.
In 1995, the Gamaat continued its attacks outside Egypt, but heightening its offensive tactics to include suicide attacks. In Islamabad, Pakistan, the group claimed responsibility for the death of a diplomat at the Egyptian embassy. Sixteen people were killed and sixty injured. Within Egypt, the same organization continued its assaults on passenger trains.
Gamaat in Pakistan and in Bangladesh publicly supported the Taliban regime before the United States invasion and during Operation Enduring Freedom. One day after the 9/11 attacks, Russian intelligence informed their counterparts in the United States that Gamaat was most likely involved in those attacks. Gamaat leaders have been involved in the sheltering and aid of Al-Qaeda and Taliban leaders in safe houses.[15]
Gamaat’s Interest in Foreign Powers: Support for Nuclear Proliferation
Senior leaders of the Gamaat absorbed into Al-Qaeda support nuclear proliferation and they embrace Pakistan’s acquisition of nuclear weapons. They broadcast that such acquisition not only would benefit Pakistan but also the worldwide “Community of the Faithful,” the Ummah. Gamaat leaders advocate ignoring international nuclear proliferation treaties.[16]
Like its parent organization, the IMB, the Gamaat possesses a geopolitical strategic program with religious ultra-nationalist objectives that include attainment of nuclear power by potential foreign powers. In addition, the Gamaat has proven itself a key player in the global Afghan-Arab network that acts against international peacekeeping efforts and that has caused severe destabilization of the economy and government of a key United States ally, Egypt.
Part Three
The Ikhwan Movement’s History of Covert Action
Alliance with Hostile Foreign Powers and Legacy of Political Violence
By the late 1930’s, the IMB, in its earliest manifestations in Egypt and the Levant, had begun recruiting “rovers” (jawwalah) from its para-educational subsystems. Found in the movement’s summer youth camps, “rovers” allowed Ikwhan founder Hassan Al-Banna to advance direct confrontation with the Egyptian state. As the movement became larger and more successful, its para-military “rovers” and their leadership needed more management. Therefore, the movement developed in 1943 what it called the “Secret Apparatus,” (al-Jihaz al-Sirri) that shadowed Egypt’s police, military, and intelligence institutions.
The organization became so strong that it confidently aligned itself with the Nazis, who hoped to seize control of North Africa, the Middle East, and the Indian sub-continent. The Brotherhood found in the Nazis a useful, temporary ally because it sought to de-colonize British Egypt under King Farouk during a period known in the Middle East as “de-Islamization.” The organization believed that alignment with an expansionist foreign power could advance that strategic objective. For example, in Baathist Iraq, the uncle who raised Saddam Hussein was a Muslim Brother who aided the attempted Nazi coup of Baghdad.
“Rovers” were used in both the Sinai and Libyan deserts as a Muslim Brotherhood-Nazi espionage/covert action network. Erwin Rommel’s advance into the Libyan Desert, for example, was of high importance to the Muslim Brotherhood and Nazis because “rovers” could pass intelligence to Rommel’s troops and circulate in Egyptian universities pro-Axis propaganda translated into Arabic. The Brotherhood members in the universities staged demonstrations in support of the Nazis’ advance toward Egypt even as founder Hassan Al-Banna was assuring King Farouk that he had no intention of supporting the Nazis.[17] Revered by Ikhwan initiates today, Al-Banna’s dissembling to King Farouk exemplifies the organization’s duplicitous approach in the political arena.
In addition to covert action in Egypt’s desert regions, the Muslim Brotherhood’s Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, Al Haj Mohamed Amin Hussein, led a division of Handzar SS troops in Nazi-occupied Yugoslavia in 1944. In a reference to European anti-Semitism and his knowledge of Jewish concentration camps, the mufti stated “there were considerable similarities between Islamic principles and National Socialism.”[18]
The IMB’s alliance with the Nazis represents the movement’s earliest foray into geopolitical alignment hostile to the United States and its allies. Given that the IMB possesses a geopolitical strategic mind and has aligned itself with hostile states in the past, our government should not underestimate the possibility that the IMB and its leaders may have now or will have in the future alliances with hostile foreign powers. Those alliances could involve material and member support for terrorism, covert action, and other acts of political subversion.
In addition to fomenting sedition in 1940’s Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood has attempted to overthrow all other Egyptian governments under Presidents Nasser, Sadat, and Mubarak. Since the Israeli-Egyptian Peace Accords, Egypt has been an ally of the United States.
Wherever the IMB, its members, and leaders have entered into “phases of power” after long periods of socio-political preparation and kitman, the movement’s para-military activities have been cunning and ruthless. At the same time the organization was publishing in its official magazine that “love” was the cornerstone of the Brotherhood’s way of life,[19] its members were acting upon fatwas against Muslim intellectuals, attacking religious minorities, and laying siege to police stations. Those kinds of actions violate civil rights and criminal laws of the United States.
Those activities emanated from the group’s doctrine of taqiyyah, or “disinformation,” about its strategic intentions and its infiltration of Egypt’s military ranks. For example, Sadat’s assassin was a member of Egypt’s armed forces and held the nation’s highest award for sharp-shooting. However, he was loyal to the Ikwhan movement and not to his president or country; and so when he realized that he had an opportunity to assassinate the president of his country, he and other Brotherhood initiates in Egypt’s armed forces planned a military coup designed to seize control of Egypt’s major cities.
The IMB provides theoretical and material support to radical Palestinian terrorist organizations (e.g., HAMAS) in West Bank and Gaza. All Islamic Jihad factions, HAMAS, and Al-Qaeda are offshoots of the Muslim Brotherhood. Such is the case for many other Islamic revolutionary terrorist organizations throughout the world. Each of those organizations is a Specifically Designated Terrorist Organization.
The IMB also has caused sedition in other countries such as Algeria, Tunisia, and the Sudan, where Muslim Brotherhood members in exile from Egypt provided theoretical and material support to its initiates in those countries’ university systems. The Algerian Salvation Front, Islamic Tendency Movement, and the Sudanese Liberation Front were founded and directed by Muslim Brothers. The United States also regards those groups as terrorist organizations. The IMB is a “mass movement” that inspires and supports those regional movements.
As has been documented extensively in North American media, Muslim Brotherhood activity exists within the superstructure of the continent’s major Islamic religious, political, and social organizations. Those groups, through their civil rights and political organizations, are alleged to have engaged in taqiyyah after the 9/11 attacks, in order to make themselves appear more moderate than they had publicized previously. In this way, the groups could distance themselves from leaders who had been implicated or convicted of criminal activity related to terrorism. At the same time, however, new leaders could continue to advance the subversive element of their cause, positioning leaders in elected office at local, state, and federal levels of government. Taqiyyah in public relations is a classic tactic of the IMB.
If the United States watches with great concern the recent election of Muslim Brothers to Egyptian parliament, then it should be no less concerned about the potential for their brethren or brethren’s children in the United States who may realize similar accomplishments. Adding the IMB to the Specially Designated Terrorist Organization list would help discredit the candidacy of an initiate running for high office or seeking security clearance who also subscribes to the credo, “The Koran is My Constitution,” an axiom that is a tell-tale mark of a Muslim Brother.[20]
In addition, the movement’s educational apparatus, the International Institute of Islamic Thought, has developed an educational theory published through Islamic Publishing, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, calling for slow intellectual and economic subversion of secular universities throughout the world (see Strategic Intentions section, above). When considered as “concealed advances,” such subversive activity provides cause for government policy change because the movement regards “concealed advances” as preparation for direct action, or “phases of power.”
The movement’s interest in Islamizing North America began in the 1930’s, when the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt divided the world into nine geopolitical regions, including one for Islamic minorities that included the Americas, Soviet Union, and Europe. The purpose of establishing those geopolitical divisions was to study the movement’s needs in other places, so that the movement’s Central Headquarters in Cairo could assess intelligence about its strategic progress and recommend future actions around the globe.[21] In other words, the IMB has been studying the United States and its allies since the 1930’s in order to determine when conditions are right to further advance its goal to replace existing state constitutions with others based on Islamic law. As such, it must be considered a hostile organization with hostile membership devoted to the eventual advancement of government overthrow through political violence.
Part Four
Post-Cold War Considerations and the 9/11 Commission Findings
For the first time in our nation’s history of variously retreating from, containing, or eradicating international terrorism emanating from Islamic revolutionary sources, The 9/11 Commission Report calls upon the United States of America to acknowledge that a “mass movement” underpins the latest manifestations of Islamic terrorism that emerged during a post-Cold War vacuum of uncertain, shifting strategic alliances and ethnic conflicts around the globe.
The IMB is an ultra-nationalist ideological mass movement that originated in Cairo, Egypt, during the late 1920’s. The timing coincides with the development of the Twentieth Century’s other ultra-nationalist ideological mass movements, Nazism and Communism, which arose as major geopolitical forces challenging the peace and security of the United States of America and its allies.
The organization’s historical ability to gain the sympathy of diverse political groups and broad classes of people, combined with its perennial ability of leaders to harness popular credibility through electoral means, does not negate the fundamentally inimical nature of the IMB and its strategic purposes. Indeed, many a leader from the previous century’s other ultra-nationalist ideologies found in electoral processes prime pathways to constitutional subversion as preparation toward government overthrow.
Adolf Hitler did not rise to power through a putsch but through legitimate electoral means. Khartoum law professor Hassan Al-Turabi’s movement in the Sudan also engineered a successful coup by slowly eroding the country’s political and legal system in advance preparation. Al-Turabi was the leader of the Sudanese Muslim Brotherhood movement, which seeks to “Islamize and Arabize” Africa, according to interviews with Al-Turabi. The rogue dictatorship he created is now known for its persecution of religious minorities and non-Arabs, and for its sponsorship of Al-Qaeda’s World Islamic Front that declared war on the United States and its allies in 1998. The same Muslim Brotherhood leader, Al-Turabi, established a diplomatic alliance with Iran.
Part Five
Conclusion
After the defeat of the Triple Axis in World War II and during the Cold War, the United States adopted a policy of neutrality toward the IMB. Both the United States and the IMB
had mutual cause for defeating the Soviet Union and other political forces that did not represent the best interests of the United States and its coalition of liberal-democratic nations.
The IMB, as has been shown above regarding the creation of the Gamaat Islamiyah by Muslim Brothers and Sisters, is the heart of the hydra of Sunni Arab terrorist groups. The close connection between the two groups provides cause for speculation that the Gamaat may in fact be the IMB, but is acting under a covert name, just as the Brotherhood webpage suggests (see IMB Strategic Intentions section above).
In the academic world and in foreign services institutes, neutrality toward the IMB invariably resulted in a pervasive myth that the IMB was a benign organization lacking hostile strategic intentions. That false assumption is but another cause of our nation’s so-called “failure of imagination” described in The 9/11 Commission Report.
The IMB--replete with its strategic intentions, historical legacy of political violence as a means to achieve those intentions, and support of other terrorist movements--is germane to the advancement of Islamic terrorism under the banner of the Twentieth Century’s third ultra-nationalist mass movement, Islamism.[22]
Given the current post-Cold War geopolitical realities--in which Islamism appointed itself the successor to Nazism and Communism in its challenge to the peace and security of the United States and its allies--it is vital that our nation reconsider the IMB’s absence on the Treasury Department’s list of Specially Designated Terrorist Organizations.
In addition, the IMB’s offshoot, Gamaat Islamiyah, is a member organization of
Al-Qaeda’s World Islamic Front and has been for the past decade a major cause of terrorism against the United States and its allies.
If the United States continues its tacit legitimization of the IMB by excluding it from the Treasury Department’s list of Specially Designated Terrorist Organizations, then the United States and its allies must prepare for the inevitable: that when one Brotherhood offshoot is degraded, another Brotherhood offshoot takes its place.
Amending the list to include the IMB is therefore vital to disrupting the financing of international terror networks and to degrading the mass movement identified in The 9/11 Commission Report.
Appendix A
Sunni Arab Terrorist Groups*
Abu Nidal Organization (ANO)
Led by Sabri Al-Banna; split from PLO in 1974; comprised of political, military, and financial committees; attacks in 20 countries; targets include United States, Israel, Western nations, liberal Muslims; operational presence in Iraq, Lebanon, Sudan, Syria; shut down in Libya and Egypt in 1999.
Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG)
Based in southern Philippines; leaders worked and studied in Middle East; fought in Afghanistan; led by Khadaffy Janjalapani; kidnappings and attacks on foreign persons, Malaysians, journalists, tourists.
Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade (AMB)
Small cells of Fatah-associated activists; emerged during 2000 Intifada; attacks on Israeli targets; shootings and suicide bombings against Israeli military and civilians, including inadvertent deaths of four United State citizens; operates in West Bank and Gaza.
Armed Islamic Group (GIA)
Began in Algiers in 1992 after defeat of Algerian Salvation Front (FIS) in national elections; attacks on civilians, liberal Muslims, journalists, and foreign residents; similar attacks in France; assassinations, kidnappings, hijackings, bombings; fundraising for Algerian-based mujahideen noted in early 1990’s issues of PIJ leader Sami Al-Arian’s Inquiry, published in Tampa, Florida; external aid from Western sources and Algerian expatriates, Iran, Sudan, GSPC.
Asbat Al-Ansar (AA)
“Partisans’ League” based in Lebanon; comprised of mostly Palestinians; associated with Osama bin Laden; attacks on Lebanese and international targets, including embassies; external aid from Sunni Arab networks worldwide and Osama bin Laden.
Gamaat Islamiya (GI)
For group description see Part Two, above; worldwide presence, including United Kingdom, Afghanistan, Yemen, and Austria; possibly Iran, bin Laden, Afghan militants, non-governmental organizations.
HAMAS (Islamic Resistance Movement)
Formed in 1987 during first Intifada; associated with Izz Al-Din Al-Qassam Brigades; large-scale suicide attacks against Israel; operates in West Bank and Gaza, with international support network; leaders present in other places, like United States, Syria, Lebanon, and Iran.
Al-Jihad (Egyptian Islamic Jihad, Islamic Jihad, Jihad Group)
Active since late 1970’s; merged with Al-Qaeda in June 2001 but has independent capabilities; attacks on Egyptian and Israeli interests in Egypt and abroad; headquartered in Cairo but has bases in Yemen, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Lebanon, United Kingdom.
Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ)
Developed in Palestinian territories and Egypt in 1970’s; attacks on Israeli targets, military and civilian, mostly through large-scale suicide attacks; operates in Israel, West Bank, Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, and in United Kingdom and United States with support from expatriates and Palestinian sympathizers; assistance from Syria and Iran.
Al-Qaeda
Established in late 1980’s; united with other Sunni Arab groups to form a Sunni Arab caliphate throughout the world; attacks on the West, liberal Muslims, and non-Muslims, including Christians and Jews; worldwide support network linked to other Sunni Arab groups through front businesses, charities, individuals.
Salafist Group for Call and Combat (GSPC)
Eclipsed GIA in 1998; effective armed group inside Algeria; primarily avoids civilian attacks inside Algeria; co-opted external support networks in Europe, Africa, Middle East, Iran, Sudan; government and military targets
*See Michael R. Ronczkowski, Terrorism and Organized Hate Crime, (2004), CRC Press, Boca Raton, Florida.
[1] See Gilles Kepel, Muslim Extremism in Egypt: The Prophet and the Pharaoh (1984/2003), U of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles.
[2] See Terri K. Wonder, Re-Islamization in Higher Education from Above and Below: The University of South Florida and Its Global Contexts, unpublished doctoral thesis, to be defended in January 2006 at The University of South Florida. See also Rita Katz, Terrorist Hunter (2004), HarperCollins, New York, which proves that the IIIT, Herndon, Virginia, is part of the IMB apparatus.
[3] See Kepel (1984/2003).
[4] See Kepel (1984/2003), p.83.
[5] See Wonder (2006).
[6] See Dore Gold, Hatred’s Kingdom, (2004),
[7] See Mitchell (1969/1993).
[8] See Wonder (2006).
[9] See Kepel (1984/2003).
[10] See Kepel (1984/2003).
[11] See Kepel (1984/2003).
[12] See Kepel (1984/2003).
[13] See Evan F. Kohlmann, Al-Qaida’s Jihad in Europe: The Afghan-Bosnian Network, (2004), Berg Publishing, New York, NY.
[14] http://www.ict.org.il
[15] See Kohlman (2004).
[16] http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/1998/379/op2.htm.
[17] See Richard Mitchell, The Society of Muslim Brothers (1969/1993), Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ.
[18] See Paul Fregosi, Jihad in the West (1998), Prometheus Books, Amherst, NY.
[19] See Kepel (1984/2003)
[20] See Mitchell (1969/1993).
[21] See Mitchell (1969/1993).
[22] See Daniel Pipes, Militant Islam Reaches America (2002), Norton, New York, NY.
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